On September 3, the Houthis launched a large-scale offensive dubbed “Allah is Mightiest in Strength and Severest in Punishment.” Not only cities but also islands are falling under their control en masse. Ansar Allah declared the operation concluded on September 11, following the capture of coastal areas and islands in western Yemen.
Saudi Arabia had long been preparing an operation against the Yemeni Houthis. In fact, the attack was originally scheduled for the previous spring, prior to the launch of “Epic Fury.” The plan called for the main force to advance southward along the coast, moving from the city of Midi toward Al-Hudaydah. A separate axis of advance targeted the mountainous areas along the Najran-Saada line. While regular Saudi forces were tasked with operations in the coastal sector, a special force comprising several brigades was deployed to the mountains.
These units were composed of former Ansar Allah members and Yemenis hostile to the Houthis. Their training is overseen by US Green Berets and Marine Raiders. It is worth noting that these units were established during Donald Trump’s first term with his personal authorization; at the time, a political scandal erupted following reports that US special forces were operating alongside the troops they had trained inside Yemen—allegations the White House denied. US special operations forces continue to actively collaborate with these units to this day. The operation planned for the previous spring never took place; Riyadh maintained that the mission was unfeasible and that a coastal offensive would stall. Consequently, the only viable option was a simultaneous two-pronged attack: a southward push from the border and a northward advance from the city of Aden, combined with an amphibious landing.
In principle, it is difficult to disagree with the assessment of the Saudi military leadership. Attempting to advance along a single road—sandwiched between the sea on one side and the mountains on the other—is a recipe for operational failure. However, the problem was that Aden was controlled at the time by forces allied with the United Arab Emirates. Through complex political maneuvering, Riyadh eventually succeeded in completely ousting Abu Dhabi from Yemen and taking control of Aden. Preparations for the invasion resumed, not least because both Saudi Arabia and Washington have a strong interest in the operation’s success.
The Saudi army had begun massing forces for the operation as early as July. Initially, the plan remained unchanged: attacks from north to south and through the mountains from Najran, supported by an offensive from Aden and amphibious or heliborne landings. The first phase called for securing the Red Sea coast and pushing Houthi units back toward the mountains near Sana’a. However, in August, Riyadh unexpectedly altered the composition of its strike groups. The “anti-Houthi” force was withdrawn from the mountain front and began redeploying southward toward Aden. By then, the Houthi leadership had already detected the Saudi preparations and intensified attacks near the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.
On September 10, combat units of the Ansar Allah movement launched a rapid offensive. Houthi commanders demonstrated competence at both the tactical and operational levels. Consequently, instead of a victorious advance on Hodeidah, Saudi Arabia found itself facing a profound operational-strategic crisis that continues to escalate rapidly.
In the early hours of September 10, Ansar Allah launched a surprise attack on the city of Mocha (Mokha), a small port located approximately 165 km from Hodeidah. The Houthis acted with speed and great tactical skill. They outflanked the city from the east, cut off the road to Aden to the north, and subsequently struck the garrison, which consisted of armed units loyal to the Yemeni government and several detachments of the Saudi-led “anti-Houthi” force. The defenders failed to fully grasp the situation, and panic spread rapidly through their ranks. They began to withdraw from the city in small groups, using pickup trucks and cars while abandoning weapons and military equipment. Although Ansar Allah had surrounded the city on three sides, the blockade was not airtight; opposing forces managed to partially break through and flee rapidly southward, sowing panic along the way. This triggered panic along the remaining defensive lines of the Yemeni government forces as well. Concurrently, the maritime phase of the operation began: Houthi forces landed on Zuqar Island, located in the southern Red Sea, just over 120 km from the entrance to the Bab el-Mandeb Strait.
Zuqar (Jabal) is part of the Hanish archipelago. The archipelago comprises three main islands and several smaller ones. In 2015, the island was occupied during a joint amphibious landing operation conducted by Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, ultimately remaining under Saudi control. In the early 2020s, control was formally transferred to the Yemeni government; however, according to fragmentary reports, Riyadh has maintained a garrison on Zuqar Island. It is important to note that the Hanish islands act as a “stopper” for the Bab el-Mandeb Strait. For the purpose of controlling the Red Sea, these territories are far more significant than the island of Socotra, located at the entrance to the Gulf of Aden. After the rapid liberation of Mocha, the Houthis regrouped and continued their offensive. Their next objective was another strategic coastal city: Zubab (Dubab). On September 11, Houthi forces issued a statement: “The Yemeni Armed Forces announce the success of the military operation named ‘God is Mightiest in Strength and Punishment,’ which resulted in the liberation of 5,400 square kilometers of territory along the Red Sea coast.
It was further announced that international maritime navigation remains safe and permitted, with the exception of vessels linked to Saudi Arabia. During the offensive, a total of nine Saudi drones were shot down, and hundreds of Saudi-backed soldiers were taken prisoner.
The Yemeni Armed Forces reiterate that the siege against Saudi Arabia will continue and that the policy of ‘escalation for escalation’ will be maintained.
After liberating 4,200 square kilometers of territory in southwestern Yemen, the Yemeni armed forces focused on consolidating the positions they had reached and securing those areas, as well as Yemen’s western islands.
The advance of the Yemeni armed forces halted in the Dhubab and Al-Wazi’iyah districts (Taiz Governorate) following a message from Mahdi al-Mashat, head of Yemen’s Supreme Political Council, regarding the successful conclusion of the military operation. Clashes were reported in the Al-Majr and Jabal al-Ahmar areas—located between the Al-Wazi’iyah district and the northern part of Lahij Governorate—but this did not result in any change to the front line in this sector.
On the 11th, Yemeni naval forces entered three islands: Zuqar, Greater Hanish, and Lesser Hanish. A report was also released detailing the capture of 2,000 troops belonging to Tariq Saleh’s forces—along with their military equipment—on the Zuqar and Hanish islands. This occurred because they were unable to retreat before Yemeni forces seized control of these islands off the west coast; missile and drone strikes carried out by Yemeni armed forces in the preceding days had destroyed their vessels, cutting off any escape route.
According to the Houthis, Saudi troops and contingents were driven out of six districts across the Taiz and Hodeidah governorates, covering a total area of 5,400 square kilometers. Seven Saudi military divisions—comprising 38 brigades—were targeted, resulting in hundreds of their personnel being killed, captured, or wounded. Some Houthi prisoners, who had been held for years by pro-Saudi mercenaries on the west coast, were liberated. Additionally, 32 interception operations were conducted against Saudi warplanes, resulting in nine being shot down.
Antonio Albanese e Graziella Giangiulio
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