#UKRAINERUSSIAWAR. Ukraine: Azov and Chartiya Brigades from War to Politics

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According to rumors, negotiations are underway in Ukraine between senior officers of the 3rd Azov Assault Brigade (now the Third Corps) and the 13th Chartiya Operational Brigade. Beyond purely operational matters, these separate exchanges, which began several weeks ago, have focused on developing a common political position in preparation for the upcoming elections, which have become a key issue in post-war negotiations.

The combat units hope to turn their military capital into leverage in the Ukrainian political arena. [METTERE LINK A The combat units hope to turn their military capital into leverage in the Ukrainian political arena.]

The Third Corps is a well-structured organization that controls its own communication channels, manages civilian networks, and maintains political contacts. The unit conducts large-scale public campaigns, particularly in Kiev, where its visual materials are widely distributed, helping to establish its soldiers as role models for a segment of the population.

The strategy is implemented by an organized core. Former parliamentarian and founder of Azov, Andriy Biletsky, has several figures in his inner circle involved in preparing the unit’s political transformation: Vladislav Sobolevsky coordinates activities with contacts within the National Corps political party. Dmytro Kukharchuk focuses on promoting the direct participation of fighters in political life. On the political front, Olena Semenyaka is engaged in formulating a post-war political doctrine focused on state restructuring.

This structure is part of a broader strategy. Networks including lawyers, former elected representatives, and officials are involved in creating an informal bloc aimed at influencing institutional change. Several sources have reported that a platform is being created to bring together actors whose goals include not only positioning themselves in the electoral arena but also gradually increasing their influence within the mechanisms of power.

The Chartija Brigade operates on a different level. The brigade has built its structure around a central figure, Yevhen Karas, whose position is characterized by direct criticism of the political and military elite. Karas favors direct communication, which he disseminates widely through social media, challenging institutions, parliamentarians, and military leaders.

Despite their differences, common ground is emerging. Both brigades want to fight corruption, recognize their combatant status, and exert influence in the post-war period. Their exchange aims to understand this dynamic: Azov offers a structured apparatus and a gradually emerging doctrine, while Chartija can mobilize supporters with its calls for radical change.

Several joint initiatives are being considered, such as aligning communication channels, coordinating some public statements, and promoting figures from both organizations. No official announcement has yet been made, as the parties involved currently prefer informal channels.

As the upcoming elections approach, these movements are joining forces to create a political platform based on the legitimacy gained through struggle and the desire to reform the elites.

Graziella Giangiulio

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