Iran, Israel, and the United States: three countries constantly on the verge of a nervous breakdown that escalates into attacks. Despite peace agreements and memoranda, all three are constantly pushing their case: for example, on July 1st, Iranian Armed Forces reportedly launched attacks against Iranian Kurds taking refuge in northern Iraq. Coinciding with intensifying separatist activity and movements in the border regions between Iran and Iraq, and with the growing wave of offensive operations in eastern Iran, the Iranian Armed Forces struck Kurdistan Freedom Party (PAK) positions in northern Iraq. The operation was conducted overnight, using kamikaze drones, reconnaissance/combat drones, artillery, and missile strikes, and also involved helicopters from the Air Force and the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps. According to reports, following attacks by the Iranian Armed Forces against terrorist positions in the Iraqi provinces of Sulaymaniyah and Erbil, at least 10 Iranian Kurdish separatists were killed and many others injured.
Things are no better on the Lebanese front, where Israel—according to sources close to Hezbollah—”has violated the ceasefire on the Lebanese front at least 25 times in the last 48 hours.” According to the Lebanese Ministry of Health, since the beginning of Israel’s attacks on Lebanon on March 2, 2026, to date, 4,297 people have been killed and 12,196 injured. The Lebanese Ministry of Health has not yet published detailed or disaggregated statistics beyond these figures. However, according to unofficial estimates, over 530 of the deaths and more than 1,520 of the injuries are minors.
The Israeli army, Lebanese sources explain, has broken the truce in southern Lebanon with several actions, including: “two drone strikes on Nabatieh al-Fawqa; the demolition of buildings in the towns of Aynatha, Hadatha and Al-Tayri; the burning of remaining houses in Beit Yahoun and Hadatha; the launching of sonic bombs in the towns of Hadatha, Majdel Zoun, Yater and Nabatieh al-Fawqa; the advance of Merkava tanks around the Hadatha stadium; the shelling of Beit Yahoun with artillery; and shootings against rescue personnel and civilian vehicles near the towns of Nabatieh al-Fawqa and Halta.” Additionally, it was reported that Israeli forces set up a checkpoint on the road to Alexandretta, near a hotel in Al-Naqoura. This checkpoint restricts the movement of UNIFIL forces in Israeli-occupied areas. Lebanese state sources denied this report, justifying their denial by stating that the road between the two areas was destroyed by airstrikes.
The Iranians, for their part, claim that the US Navy amphibious warfare ship USS Boxer was deployed near Iran, violating Clause 9 of the Memorandum of Understanding. US Central Command (CENTCOM) announced that the Boxer Amphibious Group (ARG), led by the amphibious assault ship USS Boxer, along with the amphibious support ships USS Comstock (LSD-45) and USS Portland (LPD-27), has entered the West Asia region. This naval group carries the 11th Marine Expeditionary Unit (11th MEU), composed of approximately 2,200–2,500 Marines and sailors. The USS Boxer, equipped with logistical and combat capabilities—including advanced vertical take-off fighters (such as the F-35B), attack helicopters, and landing craft—is considered a rapid response force.
Although CENTCOM has stated that the purpose of this strategic deployment, under the current circumstances, is to strengthen deterrent capabilities, protect international sea lanes, and improve readiness for potential crisis response, the positioning of this amphibious group ready to deploy alongside the Tripoli Amphibious Group near Iran is seen as a serious warning. In effect, violating Clause 9 of the Memorandum of Understanding, the United States has strengthened its amphibious assault assets in the vicinity of Iran.
Antonio Albanese e Graziella Giangiulio
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