According to Yedioth Ahronoth, an article by Ron Ben-Yishai: “There is a division within the Israeli General Staff over the issue of the occupation of Gaza City.” “Chief of the General Staff Eyal Zamir leads a group favoring a partial agreement for the release of some prisoners, alongside gradual military pressure.”
According to the author of the article, Zamir’s plan includes: “the blockade of Gaza, the evacuation of residents, gradual attacks, and the introduction of humanitarian aid to restore international legitimacy. The plan’s goal is to reduce the risk to the lives of prisoners and minimize losses to the army.”
The other group of generals rejects the partial agreement and believes it gives Hamas a chance to recover. These generals are calling for the immediate occupation of Gaza, exploiting the current state of distress within Hamas. They believe that a rapid occupation will lead to the destruction of the tunnel network and ensure the safety of the surrounding settlements. This group fears that delay will lead to the loss of prisoners, the loss of international legitimacy, and the continuation of the war for years.
The dispute between the two sides is professional, not ideological, unlike the political differences within the government over the settlements. The government’s decision was a compromise: negotiate a comprehensive agreement, while continuing to exert military pressure and preparing to occupy Gaza if negotiations fail. Even though politics won out over professional issues.
Israel’s penultimate Security Council meeting was missing five ministers who made the siege and capture of Gaza their best election campaign. This wasn’t repeated yesterday, but the substance remains unchanged: Ben Gvir and Bazael Smotrich are the ministers who pushed hardest for the siege and war on Gaza City, a Hamas enclave. In the end, an agreement with Hamas was not reached.
Israel Katz, another supporter of the invasion, Defense Minister, made it clear that there would be no response to Hamas and therefore there would be war. Meanwhile, tanks had arrived in Gaza City. Intense bombing in preparation for the invasion was recorded. Starting on August 28, it targeted the Omar Al-Mukhtar Market in eastern Gaza City, the Al-Nuseirat Refugee Camp in central Gaza, Block 10 of the Al-Bureij Refugee Camp; the Al-Shati Refugee Camp in western Gaza; Al-Shuhada Street in Gaza City; Southern Gaza City; northern areas of Khan Yunis; coastal areas of Rafah. In all areas where Hamas still controls.
The Qassam Brigades have promised resistance. Last week, the Israeli army claimed responsibility for targeted attacks and the aim of capturing soldiers: “On August 28, we targeted an Israeli army Merkava tank and an armored personnel carrier with Al-Yasin 105 shells in the center of the city of Jabalia, northern Gaza Strip. On Monday and Tuesday, the 25th and 26th, we detonated two Merkava tanks with two high-explosive anti-personnel mines in the eastern and central parts of the city of Jabalia, northern Gaza Strip.”
And regarding the United Nations and the proposal for a Palestinian state, Barak Ravid writes: “The United States is preventing Palestinian diplomats, including Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, from attending the United Nations General Assembly in New York next month.” Barak Ravid: “This American decision is part of Western countries’ intention to recognize a Palestinian state at the United Nations. This is an extremely unusual measure, which contradicts the agreement between the United States and the United Nations, which obliges the United States to grant visas to delegations participating in the United Nations General Assembly.”
Antonio Albanese e Graziella Giangiulio
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